In the event, and throughout most of the 20th century, the southern African states, and more especially most of the mine owners - whose primary, if not sole, loyalties in terms of culture, lifestyle, wealth creation and choice of domicile upon early retirement lay in the northern hemisphere - did better than hold black wages; they managed, over 50 years, to lower them continuously.
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All whites knew that the prosperity of the country depended on the mining industry but nobody wanted to see the coerced black labour that rendered the system possible and profitable. The mine compounds were designed to keep indentured black workers tied to their places of employment, but they also had the great benefit of keeping a servile labour force out of the direct line of sight of a European electorate living through its radical dream.
Some of the Johannesburg industrialists, men of a supposedly âprogressiveâ stripe, better-educated English-speaking urban sophisticates with supposedly more enlightened âliberalâ views, were content to chide or dismiss Afrikaans-speaking railway administrators and poor white workers as âbackveldersâ and âwheel-tappersâ, while out at Ressano Garcia their own employees, the black living dead extruded from coal and gold mines, were being hauled through the coastal bush in hammocks and resided for the loneliest journey of all.
For half a century and more, the men of Sul do Save were robbed of their freedom to choose an employer by the Mozambican and South African governments even before they left the country of their birth; on the Witwatersrand itself they were robbed of the true value of their labour by mine owners intent on reducing wages for the benefit of shareholders in the developed world; and upon their return to the border post leading to their homeland the miners were robbed of the true value of their savings by border officials, train conductors and unscrupulous dealers when they were forced to exchange any holdings in âforeign currencyâ at fraudulent rates.
For half a century, African miners on the up-train were never referred to as âminersâ but as âEast Coast Boysâ; the living dead and terminally ill Mozambicans on the down-train were never referred to as âpatientsâ but as ârejectsâ or âsick boysâ; and the Sul do Save migrants never qualified as âpassengersâ but were âspecial faresâ or âBantuâ. Racism, a product of the mind, perverts the thinking of the oppressors and the oppressed alike.
All South Africans, but more especially those who owned and own the coal- and gold-mining industries, need to acknowledge that much of the countryâs past prosperity, wealth and relatively advanced infrastructure were built on the backs of black labour pushed and pulled out of colonial Mozambique.