All of thisâthe slowdown of growth, the industry overcapacity, and the spillover of price competition from plastic back to metal cansâis basic industry analysis and could have been easily predicted by the use of the popular Five Forces framework developed by Michael Porter.
Between 1998 and 2001, Crownâs stock price dropped catastrophically, falling from $55 to $5.
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The five forces can be divided into two axes. The vertical axisâthreat from new entrants and threat of substitute productsâdetermines how much value is generated by the industry (and is therefore available to be split up among industry players). If it is very
difficult for new players to enter the industry and there are no substitutes to the industryâs
product or services to which buyers can turn, then the industry will generate high value. This is why the pharmaceutical industry was so profitable through the 1980s and 1990s; it took enormous capital and expertise to get into the business and the buyers generally had little choice but to pay up for the products, which had no substitutes.
Academics who have studied this stage call it âcapital market myopia.â In a famous 1987 case study, William Sahlman and Howard Stevenson showed how dozens of entrants into the then emerging Winchester disk drive industry blew through a mountain of investment, each hoping for a small share of a vast market. Such phenomena occur when players make decisions that are individually sensible but fail to take into account the collective consequences of everybody making the same decision.
Crown and the majors are in the same industry but are playing by different rules. By concentrating on a carefully selected part of the market, Crown has not only specialized, it has increased its bargaining power with respect to its buyers. Thus, it captures a larger fraction of the value it creates. The majors, by contrast, have larger volumes of business but capture much lower fractions of the value they create. Thus, Crown crafted a competitive advantage in its target market. It isnât the biggest can maker, but it makes the most money.
This is an important and underappreciated point: there is no shortage of âpatient capitalâ â institutions such as pension funds and university endowments are naturally looking for investments that may only pay off in the long term â but there is a shortage of patient individuals working in the finance sector, an industry remunerated almost entirely by transactions. The result is a constant flurry of financial activity engaging senior executives, investment professionals and advisers which rarely adds to, and often detracts from, the effectiveness and success of the underlying business. The financial pressures that motivated strategy at Merck and Valeant not only damaged the standing of the businesses and their products but also diminished the returns to their shareholders in the long run. In later chapters I will show that these are far from exceptional cases. The history of pharmaceuticals illustrates much that is right and wrong in the relationship between business and society. I have described four problem areas: the motivation and standards of behaviour of leaders of the industry; the interface between business and finance; the difficulty of constructing a regulatory regime that is relevant and effective; and the sometimes too tenuous relationships between prices, costs and values. None of these issues is unique to the pharmaceutical sector: similar questions arise in every kind of business, and the answers are necessarily specific to industry, time and place. But in this book â and another that will follow â I will illustrate principles and directions of travel.
PART 5: How It All Worked Out
âIt is not a coincidence that the emphasis on financial metrics in business occurred at the same time as explosive growth in the size and remuneration of the financial sector. There were useful innovations, such as the emergence of venture capital as a means of financing start-up businesses. But the financial sector is primarily rewarded by fees from facilitating
transactions, not for the consequences of these transactions. Corporate executives engaged in a frenzy of dealmaking, buying and selling existing businesses; incentive plans encouraged actions that generated immediate revenues or cost savings, mostly with unmeasured consequences for the business in the long run. The result was the destruction of many of the great businesses which an earlier generation of less well-rewarded managers had created.