Engineers have quite literally ruled modern China. As a corrective to the mayhem of the Mao years, Deng Xiaoping promoted engineers to the top ranks of Chinaās government throughout the 1980s and 1990s. By 2002, all nine members of the Politburoās standing committeeā the apex of the Communist Partyā had trained as engineers. General Secretary Hu Jintao studied hydraulic engineering and spent a decade building dams.
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The United States, by contrast, has a government of the lawyers, by the lawyers, and for the lawyers. Five out of the last ten presidents attended law school. In any given year, at least half of the US Congress has law degrees, while at best a handful of members have studied science or engineering. From 1984 to 2020, every single Democratic presidential and vice-presidential nominee went to law school, but they make up many Republican Party elites as well as the top ranks of the civil service too. By contrast, only two American presidents worked as engineers: Herbert Hoover, who built a fortune in mining, and Jimmy Carter, who served as an engineering officer on a nuclear submarine.
As the United States lost its enthusiasm for engineers, China embraced engineering in all its dimensions. Its leaders arenāt only civil or electrical engineers. They are, fundamentally, social engineers. Emperors didnāt hesitate to entirely restructure a person's relationship to the land, ordering mass migration into newly opened territories and conscripting the people to build great walls or grand canals. Modern rulers are here, too, far more ambitious than the emperors of the past. The Soviet Union inspired many of Beijingās leaders with a love of heavy industry and an enthusiasm to become engineers of the soulā a phrase from Joseph Staling repeated by Xi Jinpingā heaving Chinaās population into modernity and then some.
The fundamental tenet of the engineering state is to look at people as aggregates, not individuals. The Communist Party envisions itself as a grand master, coordinating unified actions across state and society, able to launch strategic maneuvers beyond the comprehension of its citizens. Its philosophy is to maximize the discretion of the state and minimize the rights of individuals.
The Communist Party has relentlessly broken up entrenched interests, partly to prevent rich people from gaining political power and partly to spread material benefits throughout the country. Itās rise suggests that a country can grow powerful when it trains a lot of engineers and puts them to work, even under less-than-great institutional arrangements. In the words of one 1991 paper written by a trio of economists, āOur evidence shows that countries with a higher proportion of engineering college majors grow faster; whereas countries with a higher proportion of law concentrators grow more slowly.ā Engineers are part of the reason that China has grown so much wealthier, despite its wavering commitment to secure property rights.
Four decades after China liberalized, its contributions to global cultures are mostly confined to artistic fringes. It is because engineers didnāt know how to persuade. The Communist Party insists on a history in which the party is always correct and where all errors come from traitors or foreigners. Rather than acknowledge fault and tell persuasive stories, the instinct of the engineering state is simply to censor alternative narratives. Xi comes across as someone who is a little bit too eager for groveling respect from the rest of the world, which is exactly why heāll never get it.