It’s hard, I admit, to draw a straight line between the loss of, for example, television manufacturing in the United States through the 1980s to the stumbles by Boeing and Intel over the past decade. But if we think about technology ecosystems as communities of engineering practice, it makes sense that factory closures accelerated as process knowledge dissolved, prompting production problems and more job losses. And it also makes sense that Chinese workers went from merely assembling iPhones to producing a some of their most valuable components as well.

These two features of technology revolutions—their promise to deliver progress and their tendency instead to reverse it for people out of power, especially the most vulnerable—are perhaps truer than ever for the moment we now find ourselves in with artificial intelligence. Since its conception, the development and use of AI has been propelled by tantalizing dreams of modernity and shaped by a narrow elite with the money and influence to bring forth their conception of the technology. That conception is what has led to the exploding social, labor, and environmental costs that are playing out around the world today, particularly, as we’ll see, in many Global South countries, for which the consequences of their dispossession by historical empires still linger in delayed economic development and weaker political institutions. And yet, just like the South Carolina congressman, Silicon Valley has painted the experiences of those being exploited and harmed by the technology as happier because of it.

Now, AI is the harbinger of the fourth industrial revolution. The keystone of the modern superpower. AGI, if ever reached, will solve climate change, enable affordable health care, provide equitable education. OpenAI is the poster child for this line of thought. It cannot say how the technology will deliver on these promises—only that the staggering price society needs to pay for what it is developing will someday be worth it.

That “freak coincidence” revealed a disturbing formula. When faced with economic collapse, Venezuela suddenly checked off the perfect mix of conditions for which to find an inexhaustible supply of cheap labor: Its population had a high level of education, good internet connectivity, and, now, a zealous desire to work for whatever wages. It was not the only country that fit that description. More populations were getting wired to better internet. And with accelerating climate change and growing geopolitical instability, it was hard to bet against more populations plunging into crisis. “It’s quite likely there will be another Venezuela,” Schmidt said.

When I wrote the story of Okinyi and the other three Kenyan workers for The Wall Street Journal, OpenAI sought to distance itself from the responsibility of the toll its project exacted. It was Sama that had followed inadequate procedures to protect their workers, OpenAI leadership said; with Sama’s pristine reputation before then, OpenAI couldn’t have known that the workers were struggling.

But the consistency of workers’ experiences across space and time shows that the labor exploitation underpinning the AI industry is systemic. Labor rights scholars and advocates say that that exploitation begins with the AI companies at the top. They take advantage of the outsourcing model in part precisely to keep their dirtiest work out of their own sight and out of sight of customers, and to distance themselves from responsibility while incentivizing the middlemen to outbid one another for contracts by skimping on paying livable wages. Mercy Mutemi, a lawyer who represented Okinyi and his fellow workers in a fight to pass better digital labor protections in Kenya, told me the result is that workers are squeezed twice—once each to pad the profit margins of the middleman and the AI company.