Similarly, there is an understanding of schools, workplaces, and public spaces of our society that we would like people to trustâ that they are basically fair places that offer genuine and equal opportunity. But for people like George Floyd, and others whose families and communities have experienced identity-based disadvantages, this proposition can be difficult to trust. Saying that these places are now color-blind doesnât help much. People remember. They know that the inequalities that stem from those disadvantages have not been remedied.
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It follows that an important route to fairness is to reduce these biases, to be identity-blind, not meted out based on identity. And for prejudices that prove difficult to eliminate, we want to mitigate the unfair effectsâ as when musicians are auditioned from behind a screen so their sex wont influence judgements of their musicianship.
People are likely to take assertions of color blindness the way Calogero took Janeâs assertions that she liked Italian boysâ as a well-intended hope for society but, perhaps inadvertently, as a denial of their lived experienceâ a personal claim of innocence more than a real commitment to a more just society.
Like Calogero, to trust, they would need a more concrete signal, like a gracefully unlocked car door, that tells them that in this setting, that vision of a fair, color-blind society can be trusted.
Was wiseness a strategy for everyone? Would people with less enfranchised identities, those occupying lesser roles in the Wilkerson play, be comfortable using it?
For these peopleâ women, minorities, gays, white men in diversity workshops, low-income earnersâ hearing that they should offer âtrustâ in diverse settings could trigger more ârememberingâ than âforgetting.â And there waiting for them is a compelling argument: âHow can I trust people from groups that have done bad things to my group, people who benefit from advantages won by those bad things, people who often justify those advantages with dehumanizing stereotypes of my group, people who often see my groupâs progress not as a good thing, or as justice-restoring, but as a zero-sum loss? Wouldnât being âwiseâ just make me more vulnerable to themâ women to men, Blacks to whites, gays to straights?â And their churn wouldnât stop there. It would also ask: âWhy does responsibility for building trust in these settings fall to me? Shouldnât it be first the responsibility of the more empowered?
But Black students have lived with their racial identity. They know it can matter. They didnât know that it would matter in this instance. But they knew it could. Thus their predicament. To be safe, not to be misled, they were less trusting. They stayed in churn.
Such caution has its costs. There could be value in that feedback. It might help them with their essay and their writing generally. Trusting less means theyâd miss out on that benefit. And this would happen over and over in a diverse school.
Our society has an inherent challenge: Many of its settings still have features that reflect our identity-stratified history and organization. Our schools, workplaces, churches, classrooms, civic organizations, and boardrooms have features that can make it harder for some identities to trust that they are a part of the âweâ in the setting. Identity-blindness implies that, along with identity itself, these features donât matter muchâ they can, or should, be ignored. But they do matterâ to all of us. Think of being the âonly oneâ or âone of only a fewâ in any important settingâ as my hands reminded me, for example: one of only a few whites in a Black History seminar, one of only a few Blacks in a symphony orchestra, or one of only a few women in an advanced math course on Riemann surfaces. But thereâs good news: as the Stephens experiment and the 3M company show, when these features are addressed, improvements can happen, sometimes without much effort or cost.