But in the same way we once thought Facebook was merely a place for posting vacation pictures and connecting with long-lost elementary school friends, or for sparking positive and transformative social movements, there is more to the sleek, entrancing exterior than meets the eye. Under the hood, generative AI models are monstrosities, built from consuming previously unfathomable amounts of data, labor, computing power, and natural resources. GPT-4, the successor to the first ChatGPT, is, by one measure, reportedly over fifteen thousand times larger than its first generation, GPT-1, released five years earlier. The exploding human and material costs are settling onto wide swaths of society, especially the most vulnerable, people I met around the world, whether workers and rural residents in the Global North or impoverished communities in the Global South, all suffering new degrees of precarity. Rarely have they seen any “trickle-down” gains of this so-called technological revolution; the benefits of generative AI mostly accrue upward.

Over the years, I’ve found only one metaphor that encapsulates the nature of what these AI power players are: empires. During the long era of European colonialism, empires seized and extracted resources that were not their own and exploited the labor of the people they subjugated to mine, cultivate, and refine those resources for the empires’ enrichment. They projected racist, dehumanizing ideas of their own superiority and modernity to justify—and even entice the conquered into accepting—the invasion of sovereignty, the theft, and the subjugation. They justified their quest for power by the need to compete with other empires: In an arms race, all bets are off. All this ultimately served to entrench each empire’s power and to drive its expansion and progress. In the simplest terms, empires amassed extraordinary riches across space and time, through imposing a colonial world order, at great expense to everyone else.

In the coming months, Amodei and Altman would clash over how and when to release GPT-3; Altman would win out, pushing the model into the world on an accelerated timeline. Years before ChatGPT, these two decisions—the one to explode GPT-3’s size and the one to quickly release it—would change the course of AI development. It would set off a rapid acceleration of AI advancement, sparking fierce competition between companies and countries. It would fuel an unprecedented expansion of surveillance capitalism and labor exploitation. It would, by virtue of the sheer resources required, consolidate the development of the technology to a degree never seen before, locking out the rest of the world from participating. It would accelerate the vicious cycle of universities, unable to compete, losing PhD students and professors to industry, atrophying independent academic research, and spelling the beginning of the end of accountability. It would amplify the environmental impacts of AI to an extent that, in the absence of transparency or regulation, neither external experts nor governments have been able to fully tabulate to this day.

The critiques that I lay out in this book of OpenAI’s and Silicon Valley’s broader vision are not by any means meant to dismiss AI in its entirety. What I reject is the dangerous notion that broad benefit from AI can only be derived from—indeed, will ever emerge from—a vision for the technology that requires the complete capitulation of our privacy, our agency, and our worth, including the value of our labor and art, toward an ultimately imperial centralization project.

Te Hiku shows us another way. It imagines how AI and its development could be exactly the opposite. Models can be small and task specific, their training data contained and knowable, ridding the incentives for widespread exploitative and psychologically harmful labor practices and the all-consuming extractivism of producing and running massive supercomputers. The creation of AI can be community driven, consensual, respectful of local context and history; its application can uplift and strengthen marginalized communities; its governance can be inclusive and democratic.

In her 2019 talk at NeurIPS, during the Queer in AI workshop, Ria Kalluri, an AI researcher at Stanford, proposed an incisive alternative to the question of how to ensure AI does “good.” Goodness, benefit to humanity—these terms will always be in the eye of the beholder. Rather, we should ask how AI shifts power: Does it consolidate or redistribute that power? To put it in the frame of this book, does it continue to fortify the empire, or does it begin to wrest us back toward democracy?

Finally, to redistribute power along our third axis, influence, we need broad-based education. The antidote to the mysticism and mirage of AI hype is to teach people about how AI works, about its strengths and shortcomings, about the systems that shape its development, about the worldviews and fallibility of the people and companies developing these technologies. As Joseph Weizenbaum, MIT professor and inventor of the ELIZA chatbot, said in the 1960s, “Once a particular program is unmasked, once its inner workings are explained in language sufficiently plain to induce understanding, its magic crumbles away.” I hope this book is just one offering to help induce understanding. It builds on the work of the many scholars, journalists, activists, and educators before me who have dedicated themselves to public education. May it be a new ground upon which many more after will rise up and build.